Manifest Destiny for Russians: the concept of the Russian World

The ideological ingredient

The ideology of the Russian World («Russkiy Mir» in Russian) differs significantly from the classic totalitarian ideologies of the 20th century. Like Manifest Destiny it lacks a singular name, a stable set of ideas, or a recognized corpus of sacred texts. Instead, it is a modern form of hybrid ideology, characterized by its vague, blurred, and mosaic nature. Depending on the situation, it can draw upon Soviet, pre-Soviet, or anti-Soviet elements — often simultaneously.

Despite its internal contradictions and inconsistencies, the ideology of the Russian World has demonstrated a remarkable ability to provoke large-scale social mobilization and widespread support for Kremlin policies, both within Russia and beyond its borders. The extraordinary efficacy of the Russian World ideology became possible thanks to the Russian propaganda machine.

The ultimate goal of the Russian World is to create a new international order in which Russia occupies a dominant position. This involves dismantling the current global security system, redrawing borders, eliminating entire states, and inflicting strategic defeats on Western liberal democracies. Its ideological foundation is built on Russian messianism, chauvinism, Eurasianism, and geopolitics combined with practices of xenophobia, manipulation of history, and the cult of victory.

Russian messianism promotes the idea of the unique destiny of the Russian people as spiritual leaders and models for all humanity. The idea traces back to the 15th century when Moscow princes tried to monopolize the legacy of the Byzantine and Roman Empires, proclaiming Moscow as the “Third Rome.” In its modern interpretation, Russia positions itself as the savior of the world from the oppression of globalization and Western dominance.

Eurasianism also plays a significant role in the ideology of the Russian World. Emerging among Russian intellectual emigrants in the 1920-1930s, Eurasianism argued that Russia was destined to be a vast continental state with a centralized, autocratic economy, opposed to the West in the dimensions of geopolitics and culture. Eurasianists envisioned Russia’s future political system as an ideocracy — a regime governed by a group loyal to an overarching “idea-leader” that controls all aspects of social life.

Eurasianism regained popularity after the collapse of the Soviet Union, thanks to figures like Alexander Dugin, who developed the concept of a totalitarian Eurasian empire and a new world order.

Modern Russian geopolitics is closely tied to Eurasianism and has become a mainstream element of public discourse since the 2000s. Outdated geopolitical theories from the 19th and early 20th centuries — which contributed to the beginning of two world wars — have been rediscovered and gained popularity in Russia. Geopolitics has replaced contemporary approaches to international relations and is now a mandatory subject in Russian universities. It is used to legitimize authoritarianism as the only “natural” form of governance for Russia. All of world history is reinterpreted as an eternal struggle between “maritime” and “continental” states, where Russia has the role of a citadel for the “continental” ones. The geopolitical theory justifies the use of military force in international relations, particularly against Ukraine, which is seen as a key battleground for restoring Russia’s status as a superpower.

Manipulation of history is another key tool as the top Russian officials like Dmitry Medvedev and Vladimir Putin practice it. Putin’s article «On the Historical Unity of Russians and Ukrainians» played a pivotal role in the ideological preparation for the aggression against Ukraine.

Closely tied to the manipulation of history is the cult of victory, a tradition developed in the late Soviet Union and reached its height under Putin’s rule. It includes state and public rituals such as military parades, mass rallies, marches, as well as glorification of Russian weapons in war-themed films and TV series.

The purpose of the victory cult is to militarize public discourse and normalize war as part of daily life. This has transformed historical memory into a cult of war. As a unique form of mass obsession, it has significantly shaped the perception of the aggression against Ukraine as a continuation of World War II.

The political ingredient

In the 1990-2000s, the concept of Russian World has been transformed, its meaning has been changed from the network of Russian-speaking communities to help Russia maintain its superpower status to a unique formation rooted in loyalty to Russian culture, language, and political leadership authorized to intervene in the domestic affairs of states with significant Russian-speaking populations to push for their federalization or to grant the Russian language official status.

Since then, Russia has established a network of state and public institutions to promote this ideology and consolidate its supporter base. These include the Russian World Foundation, Rossotrudnichestvo, the Gorchakov Public Diplomacy Fund, and others. Rossotrudnichestvo played a significant role in the occupation of Crimea and the creation of the self-proclaimed Luhansk and Donetsk People’s Republics. Today, the term Russian World is firmly associated with Russia’s neo-imperialist foreign policy.

The religious ingredient

The Russian Orthodox Church under the Moscow Patriarchate has developed a specific interpretation of the Russian World, rooted in the concept of Holy Rus’. This frames the existence of a supposedly “triune Russian people” (Belarusians, Ukrainians, Russians) as a sacred unity. However, according to the Church’s concept, the Russian World also encompasses Moldova, whose church remains subordinate to the Moscow Patriarchate.

The Russian World and Belarus

In the ideological framework of the Russian World, Belarus is viewed as its inseparable part which has to join a future Eurasian empire. Russian soft-power institutions are highly active in Belarus, where Rossotrudnichestvo maintains more offices than in any other country. Promoters of the Russian World ideology in Belarus include high-ranking officials, propagandists, certain security forces (e.g., GUPOBIK), and affiliated with Russian Orthodox Church institutions such as the St. Elisabeth Monastery.

To be continued.